Thursday 21 May 2015

Blogging: An effective tool for journalists to connect readers beyond boundaries

Pratim Ranjan Bose

Some years ago, I had an opportunity to meet the then Indonesian Vice-President Boediono, at Jakarta, on a study trip with a group of journalists from across the world.
It was a cosy meeting at the official residence of the economist vice-president. The interaction was revolving around Indonesia’s reforms initiative and its possible impact on international trade.
But, a bright young auto reporter from the US decided to add a comic element to the discourse. “What car do you drive Mr Vice-president?” he asked. That was time when the American auto Industry was passing through a critical phase, and my colleague was asked to map possibilities of its revival in the face of Japanese and South Korean competition.
Boediono didn't have a ready answer. He shouldn't be having one. The vice-president of a large Asian democracy was not expected to drive a car. He rides a chauffeur-driven car provided by the government. He cannot and must not make his preference to any particular brand, public.
My friend was well aware about the ludicrosity of his query. But, he had no choice either. He was expected to file stories on a format drawn at the editorial meet, a few thousand kilometres away from Jakarta.
He was supposed to ask country heads about their car preferences. Anything else – however newsworthy it may appear to you and I – would be discarded. In this age of specialization, an auto reporter was not expected to write on say, foreign policy or international trade. 
That is the frustration of a journalist in news media of the day. He is not expected to use the media, from where he draws a pay packet, as a laboratory to experiment with new ideas. Because, experiments rarely meet with success and in a modern-day environment, failures are costly. It is a lot more costly to an industry that is now facing serious viability concerns, worldwide.
I am not saying that everything was hunky dory in the past. Dissatisfaction is and was part and parcel to this profession. So much so that I often think, a journalist is born to be disappointed.
The reasons are not difficult to understand.
Most of us took to journalism on very high, if not false, ideals. We were driven by a sense of perceived liberty. My salary might not be as rewarding as a manager, but I am under no compulsion to please a client either. We perceived ourselves as guardian angels to this world, enjoying all the liberty to ask the most uncomfortable questions to anyone and everyone. The pen, we thought, is mightier than money.
We were wrong!
We didn’t count the fragility of ‘liberty’ before money power. Journalism, we were taught, helps create readers and shape public opinion. In reality, news media is increasingly driven by readers’ choice. And that explains why British tabloids offer a more rewarding investment proposition that the elites in global media. As the time passes we realise that the world doesn’t move on high ideals.
The days of idealism are over. In the new order, China uses ‘communism’ as a cover to practise the crudest form of capitalism. The US congress might preach democracy, but the US treasury is run on money borrowed from a totalitarian China.
The ideology-driven cold war is history. It’s time for multi-polar world where fall of one Lehman Brothers can send shockwaves across the globe. The entire world now catches cold, if one Greece sneezes. You don’t need military might to reduce a nation to rubble. The Asian financial crisis made it evident that a mere fund pullout will do the trick.
In this Fund-driven world, the media cannot remain an island of ideology. So it too, is changing. Living in an as obscure location on the world map as Kolkata, I am not here to make a value judgement of the global media. All I am saying is that increasing competition and focus on finances has blurred the border line between any other industry and the media. All are now - and increasingly so - measured against a simple yardstick: the rate of return.
In this new order, newspapers are ‘products’. And, the situation demands that it should be curated enough so as to make it a money’s worth for the buyers - whom we also call ‘readers’. Social equity is important. But the day-to-day life revolves around the demographic profile of the reader, his consumption habits and preferences. Indirectly though, my performance appraisal is linked to his facebook shares. Like my American friend, most of us have ended up as workers on an assembly line. There is little scope of frivolity, here.
And yet, a journalist is by nature an individualistic, egotist animal. He hates a life which is repetitive. It runs in his blood to jump the assembly line. There is a streak in him that always wants to push boundaries. And, nothing makes him happier than the scope of writing and readers’ attention. 
Thankfully, the ‘modern times’ have also opened a window before him to give vent to those frivolous bursts of energy.
To my mind, blogging is an effective tool for journalists to connect readers beyond boundaries and draw some creative inspiration in the process. I started blogging in November 2013, without much conviction or understanding of the medium.
One-and-a-half years later with over 10,000 hits as of May 2015, it is now my very own laboratory to test new ideas, break new frontiers.
It is in this blogsite where I raised some probing questions on the natural gas pricing policy of the Congress-led UPA government in Delhi (Is India offering the highest well-head price to gas producers? Apr, 2014). Readers’ feedback and corporates (sulphuric!) reactions, have strengthened my view that some policy was designed to benefit a few.
For the record, the Narendra Modi government has revised the policy.
Similarly, well received was a series of write-ups on Indo-Bangla issues. Especially the June 2014 report, Is India preparing ground for exchange of enclaves with Bangladesh? that now tops the popularity chart.
A blogsite has lower visibility than a newspaper website. But the steady flow of visitors from across the world is proof that the site has caught readers’ attention and is being constantly shared on social networking platforms.
It was a rewarding experience to know, there are readers for every penny thought. It would be more rewarding the day this blogsite would attract 100,000 hits.

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(Disclaimer: Graphics are collected from the web. Will be removed in case of any objection) 

Saturday 9 May 2015

No more mega announcements please, Mr. Modi; Shourie is right, they only make catchy headlines

Pratim Ranjan Bose

“Fuelling public expectation on India’s growth prospects in 2015 may prove deadly,” I wrote in December. Barely four months down the line, some of my early apprehensions are proving correct.
Early this month, former BJP minister Arun Shourie accused the Modi government of “managing headlines than putting policies in place”. 
A high profile editor-turned-politician, Shourie was an important minister in Atal Bihari Vajpayee cabinet (1998-2004). Many believe, he trained guns at Modi for not getting a plum portfolio. 
Reasons apart, the criticism came at a time when the stock market indices are losing steam in the face of weak corporate earnings outlook and profit taking by foreign portfolio investors. The flight of capital, coupled with recent rise in crude prices brought rupee to 20-month low on May 7.   
A section of corporates squarely blame Modi for failing to live up to the expectation. “Impatience creeping in as to why no changes are happening and why this is taking so long having effect on the ground”, said Deepak Parekh.  
The mood is captured by Financial Times. “Muttering noises are greeting Narendra Modi as he approaches his first anniversary as India’s leader later this month — and it is the sound of brewing corporate discontent,” the newspaper reports (Corporate discord brew in India as Narendra Modi’s sheen dulls) on May 5.   

Unrealistic expectations

To know how Modi fared so far, one must first take a look at the work-to-do list left behind by the Manmohan Singh government of the Congress-led UPA.
Singh inherited a growth oriented economy, investing huge sums in infrastructure, from Vajpayee. The setting was perfect to strengthen the foundations for higher economic growth. Unfortunately, however, the economy was in a mess when he left office in May 2014.
Coal, gas, power, mining, fertiliser, steel, road, rail, telecom, banking – almost every key economic activity was either mired in controversies or paying the price of a series of highly questionable policy prescriptions.
The complexity of the issue can be understood from a few examples.
(2) Banking sector has nearly $32 billion (Rs 2,000,00 crore) sticky assets in over 27,000 MW idle electricity generation capacities. These capacities are in distress either due to wrong levelised tariff based bidding policy or corruption in dishing out coal linkage (assurance for fuel supply by State-owned Coal India).
(3) The iron ore mining scam and the resulting court action impacted mining activities. India became a net importer of iron ore. http://www.business-standard.com/article/economy-policy/india-likely-to-remain-net-importer-of-iron-ore-in-fy16-115042300566_1.html 
It is not merely the politics that should be blamed for the crisis. Industry actively participated in pushing as bad policies as tariff based bidding in electricity or PPP model in road construction. If the politics was corrupt for dishing out coal assets for money; industry was an eager collaborator in this crime.    
This is an Aegean stable, and no government, leave alone a government that operates in a democratic environment, can clear this amount of mess in a year or two.
But India Inc, it now seems, expected Modi to do a Houdini act. Well in that case they should have put their money on a magician, not politician.  

Policy initiative

Given the task on its hand, how did the government fare? Did it take policy measures fast, to resolve the pending issues?
A look at the work list of last two Parliament sessions (winter and Budget) will tell you that the people’s representatives were rarely as busy, so much so that all parties complained when the ongoing Budget session was extended by a few days to place two important proposals on Land Acquisition and tax reforms (GST).
I am not standing guarantee to the success of all these policy measures. In fact I have reservations about some of them, like the coal act and the proposed dilution of restrictions in land acquisition. There are also areas, like roads and highways, where government is yet to pay adequate attention.
All I am saying, I don’t not blame the government for policy inaction. The industry may find it hard to believe that if Modi is running any political risk today, it is due to hyper activity on policy front. The opposition started feeling steamrolled and, probably for valid reasons.
Over the last couple of months, the government took at least half a dozen major decisions which were hanging fire for years.
Relaxing the FDI cap in insurance, creating legal provisions for opening up coal sector, amendment to Mines and Minerals Development and Regulation to pave way for transparent allocation of natural resources; Constitutional amendment to ratify the Land Boundary Agreement (LBA) with Bangladesh – are some of them.
The achievement lies not in placing those bills, but getting them cleared on the floors of the Parliament, as each of these proposals attracted stiff opposition in the past. The de-nationalisation of coal sector is a perfect example to underscore this point.
Every government that came in power since 1991, when India embraced reforms, wanted to end the State monopoly in coal sector. But, excepting Vajpayee government (which introduced a bill only to be rejected by the Parliament), no one dared to touch the subject.
Modi got the proposal cleared. And, I must say he has shown enough prudence in not pushing for its immediate implementation. Coal is lifeline to Indian economy and we should be extra careful in opening it to the vagaries of market economy.
Contrary to the expectations of the industry, the Prime Minister will also do well to drop the proposal to amend Land Acquisition Act, at this juncture. It had already given opposition a reason to unite and further pressure many not augur well for Modi.
The problem clearly lies with the industry that fails to recognise an important political reality of the country. It is a different issue how they expect to do business. But the voters of this country expect business to stop grabbing fertile farm land – a point that many in the industry also acknowledge. 

No mega announcement please

The industry has surely been unrealistic in its expectations. But Modi is equally guilty of fuelling unrealistic expectations.
It is one thing to make poll promises. But it is sure not ‘cool’ enough to continue with his chhappan inch sina (56 inch chesh) and ache din (good days are round the corner) rhetoric a year after the polls.
He knew that crude prices or the US job data do not follow the whims and fancies of the Indian Prime Minister. He is aware that the maladies of Indian economy are a little more complex to be resolved in a year or two. He must know that coal doesn't grow on trees and by promising three times growth in domestic production he is making people believe the unbelievable.
Shourie is right, such announcements make good headlines. And when measured against such headlines, the government’s performance would appear below average.
Considering the practical constrains, the government will do very well in enhancing coal production by 300 million tonne in five years. But, the achievement will turn into a disappointment if measured against your call to increase the output by one billion tonne, isn’t it Mr. Prime Minister?


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(Graphics are collected from the web. Will be removed in case of any objection)

Friday 8 May 2015

New beginning in India Bangladesh relation: Land Boundary Pact a reality, Teesta water treaty soon

Pratim Ranjan Bose

In a rare show of political consensus; the Constitution (119th Amendment) Bill on LBA, was cleared unanimously in both the houses of Indian Parliament on May 6 and May 7. The Bill will now be sent for formal assent of the President.
The consensus was necessary because the Prime Minister’s Narendra Modi’s BJP that has a brute majority in the lower house or Lok Sabha (Assembly of the People) is a minority in the upper house or Rajya Sabha (Council of States).
Forty-one years since the LBA pact was inked in 1974 and, two and a half years after the former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh (2004-2014) entered a pact to ratify the 1974 treaty; India and Bangladesh will bury border disputes, a legacy of the hasty Partition in 1947.
A total of 162 enclaves - some small parcels of land, far detached from the mainland and located inside the foreign territories - of either country will be swapped bringing an end to the human tragedy. Over 51,000 people will be getting national identities.  
There will be no “adversely possessed land” (APL) – disputed land parcels on the international border held by India and Bangladesh in deviation from the Radcliffe line – in the books of either country. The 4000 km long border on the East of India, will henceforth be clearly demarcated and fenced.

Teesta pact on course

It’s a momentous occasion in the history of the subcontinent.
It will probably be even more momentous if the Narendra Modi government finds a clue to solve the Teesta water dispute, before his expected visit to Dhaka in June – exactly a year after Modi’s foreign minister Sushma Swaraj called on the Bangladeshi Prime Minister Seikh Hasina.
progress in convincing the West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee to give up her stubborn resistance to the water-sharing treaty.
Banerjee who had been once been a staunch opponent to Modi (so much so that she had avoided exchanging the due courtesies after Modi became the Prime Minister) is now on sticky wicket - due to corruption charges against her party MPs, MLAs and even ministers - and, is evidently trying to bridge the gap.
Her Trinamool Congress has offered key support to the Narendra Modi government in clearing major Bills (like enhancing FDI cap in insurance, coal sector privatisation and so on) throughout the ongoing Budget Session of the Parliament.
And, that’s not all. The two leaders will spend a lot of time together when the Prime Minister will be visiting Kolkata on May 9 and 10. I guess Teesta pact will feature in their menu.

Bailing Hasina government out

Interestingly, some observers of Hasina camp in Dhaka, having key knowledge of Teesta issues, feel the water sharing pact may not bring any significant material gain to Bangladesh. This is due to issues that are not in control of either government.  
India is currently releasing water based on an old convention, drawn on dated hydrological data on availability of water. But, the climate change and environmental degradation in the catchment area of the river has taken a toll on the availability of water in Teesta in the last two decades.
The fresh hydrological study launched by Delhi will ascertain this truth. And, any agreement to offer Dhaka a higher share of water (from the available quantities) may not necessarily increase the actual flow of water to Bangladesh. Understandably this is also reason why Mamata Banerjee gave up her opposition to the deal.
Her arch rival Khaleda Zia’s BNP boycotted the election in protest against the ban imposed by Hasina government on BNP’s Islamic fundamentalist allies who had been on rampage ever since the Hasina government went ahead with the long pending trial of the 1971 civil war criminals
Hasina was surely right in her decision to clampdown on Islamic hardliners who had long been working at the behest of their Pakistani masters in pursuing a hate campaign against India and spoil every move to improve bilateral ties.
But, there are wide spread allegations against her party for involvement in corruption and nepotism. Also the weak democratic institutional capabilities of the country came in the way of holding the opposition-less election in a free and fair manner.
The most difficult part was the international community led by the US took a middle path and were keen to force Hasina stop the trial of 1971 criminals and, come to terms with Zia for what they refer as a recipe of ‘peace and harmony in the subcontinent’. They were in the mood to declare her re-election as illegal.
Hasina couldn't have survived this pressure, unless India stood by her. The Manmohan Singh government took a decisive stance in convincing the US to not meddle with the Bangladesh’s domestic politics.

Modi diplomacy wins

Having done so, India was morally bound to extend a political weapon to Hasina government to soothe the anti-India nerves in Dhaka. But, it had to be done with caution so that any future change in political equation in Dhaka does not destabilise the economic and political relations between the neighbours.
The Narendra Modi government accomplished it in style.
It is told that the first calls that Modi received from Bangladesh after taking oath in May 2014, was from Khaleda Zia of BNP.
Many in Indian politics are of the opinion that while building political consensus for LBA and Teesta water sharing pact over the last one year; Modi government allowed the dust in Bangladesh’s domestic politics to settle down.
The challenge was to let the deal be debated in Bangladesh as well, so that anti-India forces do not find a conspiracy theory behind and start raising fresh demands at opportune moments.
Modi lived up to the expectation.


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(Disclaimer: Graphics are collected from the web. Will be removed in case of any objection.)