Sunday 31 December 2017

An eventful 2017. Should 2018 be as good?

Pratim Ranjan Bose

It has been a year of disruptions and, it was a great year for India. When I say great, I don’t mean everything was good every action delivered the desired results to the fullest extent. I only mean the change is all encompassing and in the right direction.
Over last 70 years especially over the last 20-25 years, India’s political system was dominated by caste and religious interest groups. Politics, particularly regional politics, promoted it for vested interests and, at the sacrifice of national interests.
At least one component in this maze, the Muslim vote-bank politics, is now under threat. The treat will only intensify once Triple Talaq will be banned in a month or so as soon as the President promulgates the new act. 
Also under threat is BSP’s Dalit vote bank politics. That’s a big change too as it leaves scope for huge political churning in the days to come. Voters must not be loyal to any political party. They should only be loyal to growth.
All these did not augur well for the regional politics. They came up for a reason that no longer exists. From a combination of different States and interest groups, a new India is fast emerging with one common aspiration – growth. The old ways of living are redundant.
You can feel this change the most in the North Eastern Indian States. The capitalist economic interests gained precedence over social sentiments. Young, educated, men and women from Nagaland or Mizoram are no more interested in ‘freedom struggle’. They are moving as far as in Mumbai, Bangalore and, Chennai to join the pool of skilled workforce.
To maintain the tempo, India needed to take strong measures on the economic front. As in 2014 when the current government assumed power, the economy was in the coma, as most of the policy initiatives of the previous government went horribly wrong. From telecom, auto, cement, mining and metals to road construction each of the key sectors was in paralysis and banks were flooded with bad debts.
Three and a half years later, India is out of the woods. Highway construction a growth multiplier is progressing 22 km a day. After decades of neglect, Railways is finally investing in track and tech upgrade to improve its share of cargo movement. Big money is invested in scaling up inland water transport that missed the attention of planners for 70 long years.
On the business side, Steel making became profitable as prices started moving north on domestic demand, mining is on growth path, commercial vehicles sales are up, capacity utilisation is the best of four years in cement and construction equipment sector and, last but not the least after nearly five years electricity tariff is ruling high on the open market indicating strong demand pull.  
But this is just the beginning. India is witnessing a major investment rush in logistics sector post introduction of GST in July 2017.
GST was by far the single largest reform. It has triggered a huge consolidation of trade logistics, which is triggering demand for higher capacity vehicles and equipment, creating the ground for fresh investments.
But this not all. GST is triggering huge merger and acquisition activity. The consolidation will increase the competitive strength of Indian corporate sector significantly, in the years to come. On the way-out are a large number of small and medium business which thrived on tax avoidance under political protection of the past. The net result is business is getting more tax compliant which in turn will increase their capacity to borrow. Just as politics the old ways of doing business are over.
GST I am sure will have far-reaching implications for Indian economy. Meanwhile, there is another sector which is witnessing major changes. After nearly three decades of stalemate, India is investing major sums in modernising its army. In today’s environment, a big nation must have a formidable army. Japan does not have it and, they are today scared of China. What is more important, unlike in the past when India played in the hands of overseas suppliers; the new India is forcing arms suppliers to Make-in-India. This has triggered major growth in defence tech industry in India. There are now scores of tech firms in Kolkata, Delhi and Bangalore, catering the security agencies. 
Over the last three years, India’s ranking improved in every World Bank index be it in EODB (ease of doing business), logistics efficiency or corruption. But that’s not enough. The BJP government in the centre will enjoy a majority in both houses of the Parliament in 2018. Will they use it for taking tough decisions which were hitherto blocked by the Opposition?
India needs consolidation of public sector banks. There are just too many of them crowding out the lending space. Our public sector enterprises remain under political control. Should government retain a majority in PSEs or should they reduce stake below 50% to allow them to be run like another corporate? Should we have a Coal India with 400,000 employees, 75% of which produce 25% coal? Why not privatise it and allow market forces to play? Indian Railways is corrupt, inefficient and is a major hurdle for growth. It is blocking the growth of private rail logistics. Why not start privatising Indian Railways?
Finally, should India consider downsizing of the government and overhaul of the bureaucracy? In India getting a government job is like earning a ticket to fool around. Why have them? Bureaucracy is the worst enemy of India. When in India, they ensure files move in a circular motion from one table to another. When in abroad; they create fiefdoms. It is they who fail the country and blame politics. It is high time, we break the chain.
I do have a long list of expectations from the Narendra Modi government in 2018. But I am doubtful if they will try as much, as four major States will go to polls in 2018 before the 2019 General Election. This daily dose of election is a major nuisance and waste of money. Can they at least change the constitution to force one election in States and the Centre in every five-year?   

Let's hope for the best. Let's hope 2018 will bring many surprises. Happy New Year.
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Monday 18 December 2017

BJP’s comfortable win in Gujarat and Himachal; lessons for media; and outlook for elections ahead

Pratim Ranjan Bose

As the results are out, BJP should close the 2017 Assembly Election in Gujarat with 104-odd seats (the final numbers are still awaited) out of 182 in Gujarat. Approximately 10-11 short of the 2012 tally. BJP’s loss is Congress’s gain.
However, Congress’s gain would look minimal if you consider BJP is in power for 22-years, faced a united Opposition (with Rahul Gandhi even turning to Temple to woo Hindu votes) and, this is the first election after roll out of GST, India’s biggest reforms initiative since liberalisation.
As a rule, every major economic reform dents the ruling party’s election prospect. It happened with liberalisation in 1991. It happened again in 2004. Yet BJP pulled a comfortable win in this business class dominated, highly urbanised state (it has some 10-12 scheduled airports).  To cut the long story short, Gujarat election results defied the thumb rule laws of anti-incumbency anti-establishment voting. BJP also won the small Himachal Pradesh from Congress.
And, I anticipated this outcome. I haven’t been there for election coverage. But I was a regular visitor to this State between 2006 and 2012 and some of these contacts are still alive. It was by virtue of this limited understanding, I was confident that BJP would win. What came as an icing on the cake, was estimates presented by a friend and senior BJP member. Before the first round of polling took place, he quoted a tally of 105-110.
Electioneering is very complex math. And all through my life, I found good politicians have a solid grip on this math. Way back in 2001, when everyone was expecting Trinamool to replace Leftists in West Bengal; a Congress leader presented a diametrically opposite estimate. It came true to the last detail.

Why media fails?
Having said this, I am sure political journalists know about this maths better than I do. Why then, media presented a different picture till the exit poll results were out?
I remember one particular media house predicting a Congress sweep in the Opinion poll. They corrected the estimates in the exit poll but meanwhile, pages were filled with reports that almost took Congress to victory!
Congress is literally a owned by Nehru-Gandhi. And, Rahul has been managing show for quite some time (earning series of humiliating losses to the party, the last one was in UP only six or seven months ago) with her Italian mother, Sonia, at the top seat. Now he has formally taken over the top job!  And, newspapers went ecstatic. Front pages were filled with eulogies. Important announcements like the introduction of E-Way bill from Feb 1 were relegated to inside pages.
I am not against the principled support of a journalist or a media house to any particular brand of politics.
But I will not allow my political bias to cloud my analysis on the election outcome or the merits of GST or the performance of Modi or Manmohan government. If I deviate from this golden rule, I am surely not into journalism. Mind you, this is not merely a case with Gujarat election. Media failed to predict the groundswell in favour of demonetisation. It failed to read UP election.
Not in India alone. What happened to predictions in the US poll or Brexit? I don’t think, journalists suffer from lack of competence. Each of us has years of experience and training in handling information. The answer lies elsewhere.
Probably, we are mixing our opinion space and reporting space.  And, by doing so we are digging the grave of journalism. It is no good sign that people started taking those shitty Whatsapp forwards, more seriously than reports in media. The relationship of trust with readers is breaking. It is is no good for the country or the world that media is losing its social influence. 

2018 crucial for BJP
Meanwhile, the political scene in India will remain complex in next one and a half years as the general election is due in April-May 2019. Interestingly, this is also the period when Narendra Modi and BJP will have all requisite numbers in the Parliament to take any decision they want.
BJP currently has the number in the Lower House or Lok Sabha but lack them in the Upper House or Rajya Sabha. The series of wins in State elections in the last three years is scheduled to put BJP in the driving seat in RS as well in 2018.
It is to be seen how BJP uses this opportunity. But normally a poll-bound State avoids taking harsh decisions. It is common sense that BJP would rather look forward to coming back to power with equal vigour in 2019 Lok Sabha Election and start taking harsh decisions.
The question is: Will it be a cakewalk? I don’t think so. Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh - three BJP ruled States will go to polls in 2018.
The party is in power in both Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh for two decades facing anti-establishment sentiments. BJP won Rajasthan in record margin in 2013 but this desert State also has a history of changing governments in every five years.
It would be a tall task for BJP to retain these States, especially Rajasthan. The fight will be intense for both Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh. Congress-ruled Karnataka will also go to polls in 2018 but, as things stand now, BJP has less chance to win this State.
So will BJP come back to power in 2019? Most probably yes. One primary reason behind, is Modi remaining a favourite of voters, and Indian voters established it time and again in last three decades that they can take different views depending on the status of the election.
Nevertheless, BJP may be in the back foot in 2019 with regard to MP, Rajasthan and Chhatisgarh having a total of 65 MP seats. But the lost numbers may be compensated by party’s gain in at least two major States, Odisha and West Bengal, having 63 MP seats of which BJP got barely three in 2014.
Both West Bengal and Odisha are ruled by regional parties or forces for too long with the ruling parties dominating every poll right from local body to MP. Any breach in their stronghold, therefore, indicates far-reaching changes in the days to come.
BJP did exceedingly well in Panchayat election in Odisha against the ruling BJD, in 2017. If the trend consolidates, BJP may win 2019 Assembly and General election in Odisha.
In West Bengal, Left is now a shrinking force and Congress is facing extinction (except in two districts). BJP is filling the gap. Contrary to media reports, the party has developed strong rural base and should improve their tally significantly in 2019.


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Friday 25 August 2017

GST should trigger a chain of reactions in India's socio-economic-political landscape

Pratim Ranjan Bose

(Reproducing my introductory remarks at the "GST Conclave" hosted by BusinessLine, in Kolkata, on August 18, 2017)
I can vividly remember the shock India got from economic liberalisation in June 1991. As I joined the financial journalism the very next year, I saw before my eyes economic activities built strictly on closed-economy principles, drowning in sorrow. We saw big companies both in public and private sectors - like Coal India, SAIL, Tata Steel - slipping into the red. Over here in Bengal, a Leftist government was blaming “open door policy” for all ills.
It took at least four-five years before pessimism was replaced by optimism. Many companies, which slipped into the red, started getting bigger than ever. Many new companies came, in much larger numbers than the closed ones, to exploit the new opportunities. Many jobs were cut in uncompetitive sectors. But new opportunities were created in much larger numbers. Twenty-five years later, today, no one would talk about going back to the old regime when one had to wait for years to get delivery of a scooter or refrigerator and, the makers were reaping harvests of investing in political capital to get a license.
I presume we are headed for a similar kind of scenario with GST, barring some exceptions. GST, as we all know is a consumption-end tax that is to plug the tax leakage and remove the cascading effect of the tax on product prices as well. It removed the scope of VAT arbitrage between States. We are aiming to make noncompliance, economically unviable; as those out of the GST net, cannot avail input credit.

Major reform
Aided with AADHAR based biometric mapping and IT support, this indirect tax reforms should eventually widen our thin direct tax base as a large population who evade tax-net under the cover of cash based activities, should find themselves trapped in. This I think is the most important long term effect of GST or GST-centric reforms, we are witnessing.
But all this is not going to come easy. India for ages built an ecosystem for tax evasion. The humongous election expenses (a candidate aspiring for merely a corporators seat in Kolkata spend anywhere between Rs 25 lakh to Rs 2 crore) of political parties, come at a cost. Tax evasion is one of those costs. According to a Delhi based transport research agency, 50 % of goods transported by road  - including 70% of SME production – avoid the tax net. You may or may not agree with the number but rest assured that a good majority of our trade and commerce evade or avoid taxes, creating major social distortions.
As was illustrated by the Finance Minister Arun Jaitley during the 2017 Budget speech, the number of foreign travellers from India; the consumer interest in luxury cars and other premium products do not justify the thin minority of 24 lakh people income tax assesses, showing over Rs 10 lakh annual earning. Similarly, barely one-third of the 14 lakh companies file returns and, only 7781 companies show profit-after-tax of more than Rs 10 crore a year. Everyone should agree, either privately or publicly, that their personal experiences do not match with these official numbers.

Impact on politics
But this is probably the tip of the iceberg. One of the reasons why real estate is in trouble with GST is, sand and stone chips – two important raw materials – are controlled by mafias who operate under political patronage and never cared for the law. What should builders do now? Sacrificing input credit can increase prices of real estate impacting market demand. Should they turn the heat on politics to formalise the sand mining business? Or, should they take a hit on super-normal profit expectations? Transport is out of GST. But if all goods come under the tax net, transporters cannot hide their income either. What will happen to their business model built on tax evasion?
There is another perspective of this story. India we all know is a Union of States having distinct constitutional rights. But such a structure proved inadequate to compete with unitary country structures. You cannot leave it to the prudence of 28 States - ruled by a dozen or more parties, who have an alliance with another few dozen parties, each of whom has a different point of view and interests - to make the life of an investor as easy as in China. GST brought in a unitary tax structure through the constitutional amendment. Should it be an inspiration to bring commonality in India’s power distribution sector? This is important to expand the scope of manufacturing beyond merely half-a-dozen States.
The point I am trying to make is GST should trigger a chain of reactions or reforms in Indian socio-economic-political landscape. But unlike the 1991 economic reforms that had immediate social ramifications; GST is a slow fire that will burn deep but without making it obvious. You will know the result only later. It means, we are unlikely to see any impromptu mass reaction against GST, which should make it difficult for the politics to launch any popular opposition against GST as they did against 1991 reforms.

Some weaknesses
GST, I presume will surely improve our Tax-GDP ratio from a paltry 16%, the lowest among BRICS nations. But, I have doubts if GST in its current format would ensure maximum gains. The multiplicity of rates, the differences in rates between an air-conditioned (AC) and non-AC restaurant, or economy and business class seats in flight; are probably that chink in the armour. 
Such differentials, drawn on the closed-economy cliches; had no reason to survive in the GST era. There was no discussion on these lines in the past either. Yet they made a last minute entry. I anticipate it would open multiple battle lines for the tax-collectors; it would also keep them rooted to the tradition of suspecting business rather than respecting it. Such environment breeds corruption, which in itself is a major hurdle in ensuring ease-of-doing-business. 
 The need was to make it simple but strict and, eliminate the discretionary power of politics. But we decided to go with such powers, opening floodgates of requests and everyday changes in rates of items.
In other words, GST though promises to remove many ills has left at least one basic inadequacy of our tax and tax administration system intact. I anticipate we have to wait for another set of reforms to make economic and political life more Swachh (clean).

Right move
Having said this, I do keep faith in the great Indian resilience. There are criticisms of planning gaps - like not having planned an anti-profiteering authority well in advance, as Australia did; last minute announcement of rates denying business time to plan adequately and the suspense over the e-way bill.
The critics are correct. But frankly speaking, the country that wastes 17 years in discussing and postponing GST implementation; cannot expect the roll out to be as smooth as in Australia. To be fair, given its federal structure, size and complexity; India cannot be equated with Australia either. We will take time to get rid of the Jugad mentality.


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Tuesday 22 August 2017

Belt and Road shadow on Doklam stand-off?

Pratim Ranjan Bose

Understanding international politics was never easy. And, Xi Jinping’s China has made it a little more difficult than in the past. The much publicised Doklam stand-off between India and China for last two months may be another example of the increasing geopolitical complexity in the region.
What appears to be a border conflict over road building activities by China in a disputed territory, at the tri-junction of China, Bhutan and India, very close to India’s strategic Siliguri Corridor; may have great significance to the rest of the South Asia.
Before we discuss the wider implications, readers should be introduced to what one of India’s top foreign affairs and security expert Shyam Saran refers as “The cabbage theory”.
In layman’s terms it refers to a multilayered strategy, wherein “none of the singular moves is serious enough to attract opposition but then, cumulatively, you come to a point where it has actually changed their entire security situation dramatically. It is very hard to reverse,” Saran recently told The Indian Express.
Looking from this perspective the Doklam stand-off may have more interesting stories to tell than it meets the eye. 

India-Bhutan relationship
First, border disputes are not new to India and China (or for that matter between China and most of its neighbours, sharing either land or maritime boundary). It is also not new for China either to claim territorial control, often citing some obscure piece of history.
Even stand-offs are not new in Indo-China border. The last such incident took place in India’s Northern borders. What is new, however, is dragging Bhutan into Indo-China rivalry.
India has an extremely stable relationship with Bhutan, which has taken a conscious decision, years ago, to stay away from the big fight and depend on its Southern neighbour for security. The Bhutanese strategy is in sharp contrast to Nepal with which Bhutan doesn’t share a cordial relation.
Additionally, Bhutan has a long pending claim over the Doklam plateau, which is in China’s control as per 1890 and 1906 conventions between Great Britain (the then colonial ruler of India) and China. Thimphu was not a party to these agreements.
As per the international convention with regard to such disputes, it was agreed that China will maintain status-quo in Doklam, meaning they will not carry out constructions beyond those already listed or agreed. China violated the status quo by attempting highway construction in June – probably with a clear purpose in mind.
India had only two options.
India could either ignore such unilateral actions by Beijing, thereby failing Bhutan and undermining its own security interests vis-a-vis the Siliguri Corridor (that keeps North Eastern states connected to the rest of the India; or, could prevent disruption of status quo in the first instance.
As Delhi preferred the second option, China has now let loose its propaganda machinery to showcase the incident as an act of unilateralism on the part of India and threatening dire consequences. There is sufficient scope of assuming the Chinese reaction is scripted.
This is a war of nerves. The immediate aim is put pressure on Bhutan to give up its alliance with India and make Delhi vulnerable both on security and geopolitical front.

CPEC a reason?
No one knows what will happen next.
Chinese State media has nearly declared a war. There were some provocative comments from Chinese officials too. However, on the ground, China is maintaining status quo, except a recent report of “incursion bid” at Ladakh, which might again be diversionary tactics.
India has so far done well in maintaining calm, in the face of provocations. Delhi’s position has also drawn global attention. Japan became the first G-7 country to support India by indirectly criticising China for breaking the status quo. 
Meanwhile, the cabbage theorists are looking for a much deeper answer to the China’s action at Doklam. “China, India border dispute bubbles over once more, but no one is quite sure why”, wrote an analyst in Hong Kong-based South China Morning Post on July 3.
Strikingly, the Doklam face-off took place just ahead of the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Washington. This is significant because geopolitically, the US allies with India in the region. The relationship gained momentum after the two nations entered a military logistics treaty, last year.
India is also consistent in describing Beijing’s $500 billion Belt and Road initiative as unilateral and opposed the proposed $55billion China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) that is slated to pass through the disputed Pak-occupied-Kashmir (PoK).
India was the most significant absentee in the Belt and Road Forum meeting in Beijing, in May this year. “No country can accept a project that ignores its core concerns on sovereignty and territorial integrity,” Delhi said, elaborating reasons behind its absence.
This should not go down well with Chinese President Xi Jinping who wants to build a China-centric Asia and has little intention of treating Mr Modi’s India, with 20-25 per cent of China’s GDP, as an equal.
Unfortunately for China though, India is located on a strategic geography; has its share of economic achievements, as is evident in the high growth numbers in this troubled times; and, despite all its weaknesses, India is an inspiration to the democratic forces in South Asia.
Indian stand on the Belt and Road, therefore, carry wider significance and, China is aware of that. 

Wider significance
Interestingly, Sri Lanka that attended the Beijing Belt and Road meet also supported the Indian stand on Belt and Road.
“Unfortunately, the issue (China Pakistan Economic Corridor) is going through the heart of Indian interests,” Sarath Amanugama, Sri Lanka’s Minister on Special Assignment was quoted saying in The Hindu on May 16, 2017, soon after the Beijing meeting. 
Sri Lanka, it may be mentioned, is a case-study for the world on how China’s money-bag diplomacy can put smaller nations under serious debt trap, leading to selling of infrastructure (Hambantota Port) to the China.
The topic attracted attention in India’s Eastern neighbour Bangladesh, where China recently offered $20-24 billion assistance.
In a study titled “State of Bangladesh Economy in FY 2016-17”, the Dhaka-based Centre for Policy Dialogue briefly mentioned that Chinese (and Russian) finance might prove costly to Bangladesh. China is also keen that Dhaka converts the soft loans into commercial loan.
The point is, while no one can deny China’s remarkable economic success; the country is also held for pushing expansionist strategies and, India may not be alone in opposing China-centric image of Asia.
Indonesia made a significant beginning in July, when they renamed their maritime boundary as ‘Natuna Sea’, ignoring protests from Beijing which referred it as the South China Sea. “Indonesia shrugs off China's protest over North Natuna Sea's name,” wrote Jakarta Post on July 18.


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Thursday 20 July 2017

Globalization, International Relations and Media

Pratim Ranjan Bose

(The following is reproduction of my 'introductory comments' during the '10th Foundation Day Lecture' at Jadavpur Association of International Relations on July 20, 2017)

In 2010, at an International Media Conference in Hong Kong, I had the good opportunity to watch a humorous home video on the life of early American journalists in China. That was during the establishment of formal relations between the two nations, during Jimmy Carter’s presidency, in late 1970’s.
The video had many funny sidekicks. One scene – shot in slow motion - was particularly humorous. It showed a Chinese leader spitting in a spittoon on the dais. He was accompanied by an American leader, who was trying to maintain calm despite signs of serious discomfort written on his face. The documentary told us, it was a FUNNY act on the part of the Chinese leader to show his primacy.
To add, the conference discussed many issues of contemporary importance – starting from business to politics - in the entire world; except one – there was no mention of any dissidence in China. I later asked an organiser about this exception. The answer was straight: the exception was mandatory for the success of the conference.
I remembered the episode after reading a leader article named “China’s conscience: Liu Xiaobo’s death holds a message for China” in The Economist on July 15. It elaborated how the West Kept a blind eye to Deng Xia Ping’s crushing of the Democracy Wall movement (a wall in Beijing where people had put pro-democracy posters in the winter of 1978) in 1979, as China was on the verge of opening up leaving the Soviet Union alone to save the sand walls of communist empire. The protests at Tiananmen Square in 1989 and the State action changed the Western mood. There was a deluge of critical stories on China. In the words of the Economist, “Suddenly it became fashionable to complain about jailing dissidents.”
But, 1989 was also known for the Fall of Berlin Wall and a complete shift in economic paradigm towards globalisation of finance capital and the focus soon shifted to Chinese wonders. To quote The Economist again: “China was becoming too rich to annoy”.  With growth rates, also soared political arrests (900 in 2008). There were disruptions too, like the Tibet uprising (2008), Uighur Riot (2009). But they faded to the grandeur of Beijing Olympics (2008) and China’s $100 billion stimuli that kept the world going during the Global Financial Crisis. Oslo’s award of the peace prize to Liu Xiaobo’s in 2010 didn’t make much difference. “There are some bored foreigners, with full stomachs, who have nothing better to do than pointing fingers at us,” Xi Jinping was quoted saying in October 2010.
The Economist now reminds us that in Xi Jinping’s China, even lawyers are jailed for appearing for people, arrested on such SERIOUS charges as ‘gathering outside courts during political trial’ and urged the Western World to speak up for UN resolution for human rights.
To me, the piece presents a live case study on “Globalisation, International Relations and Media”. The issue is not human rights or political freedom in China; but to remind that the real world was always opportunistic in its application or adherence to moral and ethical Standards, both before and after globalisation.
India’s tryst with democracy, with a few hundred dollars per-capita and over 55% people living below poverty line, didn’t earn favours of the West in 1971, when the US was allying with Pakistan - where only one elected government survived the term, till date. 
The truth- and a sad truth - is, media was never free from the virtues and vices of global political order. Loosely speaking, media follows politics. To add to the complexity, media has its share of perceptions about truth. No one believed that people were mercilessly killed in East Pakistan till The Sunday Times carried Anthony Mascarenhas’s article titled “GENOCIDE” in June 1971. Reports in Indian media about atrocities or migration (to India) didn’t matter. 
The global media perception about India has undergone vast changes since, keeping in tune with the change in political and economic realities. The Internet has reduced the scope of the information gap. Yet, perception works. There is no dearth of commentators who describe India as a FAULTY DEMOCRACY and draws comparisons with China!
China has surely created an example for growth and prosperity. But, are there many references to a major country giving universal-franchise a chance - braving abysmal poverty, as India was in 1947 - and growing with it too?
Having said that the political blocks of the cold-war era had helped create a pattern in media narrative about international relation; which is now passé. Globalised era re-emphasised that END JUSTIFIES THE MEANS, as Deng Xiao Ping was famously quoted saying.
On the international relations front, it opened exciting opportunities. For example, India is enhancing ties with a Muslim majority Bangladesh and Israel with the same vigour. But it has also created scope for moral and ethical dilemmas.
What should be the Indian approach to the Sheikh Hasina government in Dhaka that is witnessing erosion in public support? Or, how should the world react to Nobel peace prize winner Ang San Suu Kyi government on rights abuses in Myanmar vis-a-vis the security concerns of neighbours? If we can talk about Palestinians or Kashmiris; why did we forget Chakmas who are hounded and abused in their homeland for last 70 years?
This is exactly media’s dilemma, in assessing or asserting, its position on international relations. Media always wanted to meet the gulf between national and global interests. The new realities narrowed down its choices. Words like “totalitarian” are removed by “single-party rule”. It can no more take a dogmatic stance for freedom of speech as it took in 1989. China established that money can rain without it. Media is on an ethical and moral see-saw. It can neither accept nor deny it. It can only look forward to global politics to clear the doubts that question the very existence of media.
And, this is the other reason why I picked The Economist piece as a case-study. The death of Liu Xiaobo’s has triggered a deluge of reports in global media. But The Economist was outstanding even to its own standards of covering issues in China for a decade or so. The share of critical stories – though a gross minority in number - has surely been rising in global media since China ordered a crackdown last year. It is a different matter that the extent of criticism was too mellow from the Indian perspective. The Economist raised the bar.
And, that prompts me to ask Why? Why it is suddenly occurring to columnists that China doesn’t share good relations with neighbours, it barely dominates them. Why did we take refuge to the term Frenemy or “Friendly Enemy” to describe the China-Taiwan relationship and why we are suddenly spending costly ink on Taiwan’s nervousness about China? Does it have anything to do with the dramatic, if not dangerous, rise in militarization in South-China Sea? Is media trying to draw inspiration from the changing geopolitical landscape in Asia, as is epitomised in OBOR (One-Belt, One-Road) versus SASEC (South Asian Sub-regional Economic Cooperation) or Asia-Africa sea link narratives?
If so then, it wouldn’t take much time for such issues to be trampled by politics, as has always been the case. Indeed on July 14, CNN came out with a report titled: "The tragedy of Liu Xiaobo is another victory for China”.
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Wednesday 28 June 2017

GST: Not merely a tax reform

Pratim Ranjan Bose

In 1991, when P V Narasimha Rao opened the Indian economy, I was doing my post-graduation. And, I still remember the apprehensions and topsy-turvy in the economy in the following days. But today we regard Rao for doing so. Thanks to that one step our economy started growing like never before and most important of all, our politics changed forever.
A quarter of a century later, I am now privileged to witness as big a reform that I believe is going to have a far-reaching impact on Indian politics in the days to come.
In another 24 hours or so, from July 1, India is set to dump its age-old tax system - that divided the country into many countries and created sufficient scope for tax evasion - for Goods and Services Tax or GST. The new tax regime will eliminate tax at production-end like the central excise and; remove scope of tax arbitrage between over two-and-a-half dozen Indian States – thereby creating one tax for products to be sold in the entire country.


What is GST?
In reality, things are a little more complex than the way I explained. Think of a product produced in Maharashtra. As on date, the company concerned pays central excise on the product at the factory gate. Hereafter, the product will be taxed by the State or States. And, they are of varying nature and rates. Currently, both the manufacturer and seller can get input tax credit separately from the Centre and the State. Goods are normally transferred by producers from manufacturing point to sales point in another state on stock transfer basis that doesn’t attract duty.
The entire system has many loopholes. First, since State and Centre collect taxes through different tax administration at arm’s length from each other, there is cascading or compounding effect of the tax on the final consumer. Meaning, a product is taxed, on taxed value. Second, due to variation in tax rates on the same product in different states – final price of the product also varies from State to State. Third, variance in tax rates creates scope for tax arbitrage - especially if the rates vary significantly between neighbouring States. Inter-state smuggling of goods is a fact of life as manufacturers and traders often take advantage of this route to evade taxes. The consumer doesn’t complain if he gets a cut. The beneficiary State looks away. And the affected State tries to impose more restriction on entry of goods, making lawful transactions costlier. It is a vicious cycle.
GST is going to change this. It has set five different tax slabs for different products with ceiling rate at 28%. The tax will be collected at the consumption end. Each product will attract the same rate of taxes across the country. The tax will include State GST (SGST) and Central GST (CGST) components. Loosely speaking, the concept of stock transfer is done away with and every movement is regarded as a transaction (which means taxable). And consumers at each level will get input tax credit from the GST authority - naturally, the cascading effect of tax (or tax on tax) will be removed. To get input tax credit, every consumer (excepting the final one) has to maintain records. It means, his vendors will be GST registered and the movement of goods along the value chain will be traceable and transparent.
The GST regime is offering an incentive for tax compliance. A trader or producer or seller will ask his/her vendors to be GST-registered, else he will miss the input tax credit and price of his products will be higher compared to others. Since the new tax administration will essentially create an ecosystem for tax compliance, eventually there will be less need for tax policing.

Redefining Centre-State and State-State relations
The crucial point that often goes unnoticed here is: The new tax system is merging the difference between Central and State tax administration now operating in silos. Unlike in the past the Union and State finance ministers do not have the liberty of tweaking tax rates at free will, as was granted by the Constitution India adopted in 1952.
The entire issue of deciding tax rates, offering input credit to intermediate consumers and dividing the tax revenue collected from the final consumer between the Centre and States are the job of the GST Council – which is a collective of States and the Centre. In one way it is a sacrifice of State's freedom to determine its set of taxes. In another way, since States are larger in number and they will collect the taxes in the GST regime, they will enjoy a bigger say in the GST council. Indeed, until recently when the Union finance minister Arun Jaitley became the chairman of the council due to differences between the States on the leadership issue, State finance ministers chaired the GST council.
As I look at it, GST is, therefore, NOT a mere tax reform; it is a major reform of India’s federal system. The very operation of GST council will remove a vast range of debates on Centre-State relations over the distribution of resources. Such debates rocked Indian political space in the 1980’s. Though successive Finance Commissions tried to address the issue - the debate was still relevant. It would now cease to exist. 
More importantly, in the days to come, we might see a major change in the State-State relationship. Right now India’s manufacturing sector is concentrated in just five States. A recent BloombergQuint report point out that just four States contribute 50% of the total central tax collection, which is distributed among consuming States. In a way, a Tamil Nadu or a Maharashtra funds development projects across the country. And chances are the laggards like West Bengal or UP may not be making judicious use of such resources. Maybe they are overspending on staff or blowing away money in corruption.
My question is: How will they behave in the GST council in the days to come. UP or West Bengal is weak because their politics failed to create economic opportunities. In fact, they survived on what I call the Bihar model of exporting poverty to the rest of the nation. Traditionally, these states looked at raising taxes and getting a higher central share as a shortcut to buy votes. Naturally, they will push for the same in GST Council too.
But higher taxes will also higher price and lower demand growth of products which is against the interest of producing States. The shift of tax collection centre has already affected the money flow of these producing States. How will they behave in the future? Will the political leadership of Bihar or UP rise to the occasion and take steps to become investment friendly and reduce the imbalance? After all, GST removes the scope of tax war between States.
I am sure, GST council will reshape our history in many ways than one. We are just not changing the tax system. We are changing the very way the country was run so far where Centre was akin to a holding company that had limited control over subsidiaries operating on a different set of ideals, which often contradicts interest of other states and national interests.

Endnote
Roll over to the GST regime will not be without hitches. There are many hitches, ifs and buts, and areas of confusions.
Some claim the roll out should have been delayed. But, they should also understand that if we cannot be fully prepared after 17 year long years of discussion since 2000; there is something very wrong with our existing political system. And, this has always been the case with us we spent more time in contradicting each other than finding solutions. The reason lies in that holding company structure I mentioned.
A stronger India is under construction in India and it is a process. It will take time. The history says despite the clumsy approach to things, we had always been in the right direction.

***
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Saturday 6 May 2017

India should consider fellowship programme for journalists in BBIN region, as part of the perception management plan

(The following was my presentation on Presentation on “People-to-people connectivity through multi-sectoral engagements” at "National Conference on Advancing BBIN Sub-regional Cooperation" organised by the Delhi Policy Group on May 5. My co-panelists were Swarnim Wagle, Member Nepal Planning Commission; Lyonpo Om Pradhan, former Ambassador of Bhutan to India; Shaheen Afroze, Director Research, Bangladesh Institute of International & Strategic Studies and Sabyasachi Dutta, Director Asian Confluence Shillong)


Good Morning,

As a writer, I focus on the economic cooperation issues, especially in the field of energy, infrastructure, transportation, investment etc. So don’t be surprised if you find me looking at ‘People-to-people connectivity’ through the same prism.
For those of us in the Eastern Indian border-States, people-to-people relation barely deserves much mention, as we always knew each other.
Kolkata has been the pivot of sub-regional relationship since its days as the second biggest city in British Empire. Despite the decline in fortune, Kolkata is still a binding force in the Sub-region.
Nepal is catered by Kolkata port, Bhutanese knows the city like the back of their palm and, it is the most visited foreign destination of Bangladesh. They come here at every pretext - even to watch latest Hindi films. 
I think India is yet to capitalise on this advantage and extend the scope of formal economic engagements by addressing perception problems which give rise to political hurdles for greater economic cooperation. 

Physical Hurdles

There is no daily flight between Kolkata and Kathmandu. There are few trains to carry Nepalese businessmen from Birgunj or Biratnagar to Kolkata. And the condition of those trains is pathetic.
From India, ISD charges to Nepal and Bangladesh are Rs 12 a minute as against Rs 8 for India-US calls. Who knows how much money Bangladeshi medical tourists spend on telephone alone?
Despite the recent focus on developing Integrated Check-posts (ICP), our land border infrastructure – to a large extent - is still primitive. Travel through Changrabandha or Panitanki borders and you will know what cattle class means.
Due to cultural and geographical proximity, East and North East is the most preferred choice of investors in the region. However, due to a variety of reasons - including the stiff restrictions on capital movement from Bangladesh and Nepal - such investments takes place through unofficial routes.
While the neighbouring economies should do better to give formal transactions a chance; India may not be helping the cause either. A few regional investors, who took the formal route, allege harassment – mostly in the name of security.
Security is a priority. But I am sure there are more efficient ways of handling the issue than keeping applications pending inordinately.

Weak public diplomacy

The purpose of telling this was not to blame India for every folly. On the contrary, I believe India, as the proverbial 298 pound Gorilla on the beach, has the extra responsibility to work on its image.
And, that takes me to question the efficacy of our external communication and public diplomacy strategies. Considering the complexity and exclusivity of the region, our communication deserves to be custom made - which I think, it is not.
Consider this: Electricity supplies from India have changed life in Dhaka and Kathmandu. India sponsored SAARC satellite will contribute to the regional well-being. It is time to question why such initiatives do not appear in facebook discussions in these nations.
As I scrutiny some of the recent media controversies concerning India in neighbouring economies I notice many information gaps. This is arising out of complex socio-politics and poor information dissemination system in those countries.
I believe a crafty approach could address these gaps partially, helping build public opinions in India’s favour.

Journalism fellowship 

One time-tested way to build opinions is by increasing intellectual exchanges. Journalists are a crucial pivot in building public opinion. I believe it is time for India to invest in structured programmes and fellowships to increase journalistic exchanges.
I am aware that many journalists from the region visit India at the invitation of the government, corporates and non-corporate bodies. This is not enough.
What I am looking for is the emergence of a think-tank, like RIS (Research and Information System for Developing Countries) in Delhi, as a replica of East-West Centre in Hawaii that runs structured programmes to encourage journalistic research with candidates selected through transparent means.
It would help create the foundation for more matured journalism in the region.
It would also make Indian journalists more respectful to the achievements of our less resourceful neighbours all of whom are placed above India in Human Development Index.


Thank you.

Friday 21 April 2017

Bumps ahead for India's organised tea plantation sector

Pratim Ranjan Bose

( My keynote address at the “National Seminar on Sustenance and Development in the Tea Gardens of Northeast India and North Bengal”, organised by Jadavpur University on March 27, 2017)

I am indeed delighted to be present at this august gathering of researchers. Thank you for inviting me in the National Seminar on Sustenance and Development in the Tea Gardens of Northeast India and North Bengal.
As I was going through the deliverables over the next two days, I didn’t find reference to one aspect: the business of tea plantation. I, therefore, will use this opportunity to link the social aspects with the business fundamentals to get an idea about life in tea gardens in the years to come.
As I look at organised tea plantation sector, I believe it is in deep trouble and is headed for serious uncertainties in a decade or so leading to wide-scale disruptions.
It will have most serious repercussions on the life of Tea Tribe or the migrants from Central India. By repercussion, I am not merely talking about job loss but, there may also be repeat migrations as is already evident in North Bengal. In Assam where production comes almost entirely from tea tribes, social conflicts may arise.
The social problems might be averted through rapid growth in investment and job creation in other sectors in both North Bengal and Assam. But the landscape of organised plantation should undergo a major change. Growth in other business opportunities in the NE may also open options for the planters to switch into more profitable businesses, leaving tea production mostly in the hands of small growers.
The profit opportunity in plantations has reduced drastically vis-à-vis risks. Technology solutions that will replace labour reducing production costs and, large scale reform in government rules and regulations may save the day for plantations.
Before I elaborate on the issue, I would like to add a rider. I looked at the issue from a journalistic perspective, meaning there is ample dose of observations. It would be the task of researchers like you to see if there is empirical truth behind those observations.

Tea in Trouble

That tea is in trouble[1] can be understood from many ways than one.
In 2012, the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Commerce pointed out that India is the highest-cost producer among all tea producing nations, while the price realisation has remained stagnant.
At the country’s largest auction centre in Guwahati, the average price tea per kg during 2011-2016 was Rs 141, Rs 135, Rs 143, Rs 145, and Rs 140, respectively.
Compare this with normal inflationary pressure, especially on three major attributes water, energy and fertiliser and you know bottom-line is under pressure.
The cash component in Tea wages, which approximately 70% of the production cost, though still very low have also increased. In Assam, cash wages are up by three times to Rs 137 a day since 2001.
The impact of the current price stagnation is significant because it is coming on the back of a six-year-long price crash during 2000-2006. Add to this, increasing climate risks and the industry facing serious headwinds.
Producing quality tea is a solution but only as long as its preserve of very few.
Plantation has no control over retailing which is a domain of marketing companies. Naturally, any mass shift towards orthodox tea or some other variety, which is now fetching higher prices; will be futile. This is why most of the gardens prefer to produce plainer verities and operate at low-equilibrium.
Complaints about lack of investment by planters are not entirely true.
Over the last decade or so, planters in North India paid significant attention to re-plantation. As in 2012, the average age[2] of bush in North India was 35 years, which is reasonable. But in South India, the age profile was as high as 68 years. As an industry South Indian tea plantation should be headed for more serious troubles in the days to come.
It would be interesting to point out here that while its industry went downhill, South India offered a better life to tea workers. I measure this by the incidence of education and upward mobility. Over the last 20-25 years, South Indian gardens produced many engineers and government officers. Such instances are abysmally low Assam and West Bengal.
Another way of measuring the status of plantation sector is by the presence of corporates and their influence in the Indian economy or politics.
I joined the profession in early 1990’s. That was a time when companies with retail marketing muscle like Tata Tea or HLL were also major producers of tea. There were many foreign corporates like Williamson Magor, Warren Tea. Assam Tea was a major company.
Twenty-five years later, big corporates mostly exited South India. I know one company stuck there because they are not getting an exit opportunity. Though officially, 40% of the 1000 odd gardens in the North (including approximately 800 in Assam and 195 in West Bengal) are members of India Tea Association, there are barely two-three corporates of repute and size in tea (like Goodricke, McLeod Russel).
The tea industry has lost the clout in the national economy.
West Bengal suffers from low yield, high cost and very low profitability. Unofficially barely 30-35[3] gardens (out of 195) make profit. The rest are carrying on by cutting corners, which includes PF default or not investing adequately in agri-input. So, future sickness and closure are imminent. And tea gardens once sick never find buyers.
The situation is better in Assam due to high yield, lower costs. Yet as in August 2014, 228[4] gardens, approximately 30% of total, report PF defaults– a clear sign that people are cutting corners.
Except some chit-fund buying, M&A (merger and acquisition) activity is very rare in tea for more than a decade. McLeod, world’s largest tea company has no plan to invest in India. They are investing in Africa and Vietnam.


Government, Tea Board responsible

The root of the problem is very deep. 
First, tea plantations were set up by the English to cater the overseas markets. The model got a new traction through Russian buying during the cold-war days in the 1970’s, when new plantations, like Namsung in Dibru Shaikia forests in Dibrugarh, came up. Probably, the government of the day encouraged it for foreign exchange earning. As in the past this time too, the industry followed the wrong practices of bringing cheap labour from the Central India.
Taking advantage of the Rupee-Rouble trade and captive market in the erstwhile COMECON, Russians used to offer artificially high prices for Indian tea. In Calcutta Auction Centre other buyers used to wait till Russian buying was over. In other words prices in domestic market enjoyed traction in the export market.
The price-traction ended with the collapse of the USSR in December 1991. In that year, India produced 754[5] million kgs of tea and exported 203 million kgs or 27% of total production. In 1992, the very next year, our exports dropped to 175 mkgs. Now jump cut to 2015-16[6]. India achieved record production and exports of 1233 kmgs and 233 mkgs respectively. The share of exports was down to 19 per cent. It was the best year. Generally exports are stagnant at 200-210 mkgs range, for last 25 years vis-à-vis 62 % rise in production.
Increase in production at times of weak price traction is an anomaly. It was possible due to completely wrong policy push by the Tea Board and Government of India. While USSR was breaking, Tea Board announced a plan to expand India’s tea production to 1000 mkgs in 10 years. They also promised marketing push both in India and abroad.
In the end, they were only successful in increasing production. For quick increases, they opened a new avenue called small growers or farmers, operating outside the purview of Plantation Labour Act. To serve small growers came bought-leaf factories (BLF). Both the small grower and BLF remained largely outside the clutches of various regulations governing organised plantations. With low costs, small growers started flooding the tea market.
Alarmed, some organised players took State politics by its side to bypass to regulations. So came “project Gardens” which are nothing but, small private lands taken on lease and stitched together. Plantation Labour Act is not applicable in such gardens. There are 70 such project gardens in West Bengal, all came up in the 1990’s, distorting the price economics.
The 471 mkgs capacity added over the last 25 years is mostly, if not entirely, through this route. The quality of such tea is inferior. But since India largely consumes tea blended with many other ingredients starting from Gur to Ginger; quality is not a major issue.
Allowing contract farming and freeing organised plantation from highly restrictive control-era regulations could have been a logical free market option. That didn’t happen either. Tea Board wouldn’t lose the opportunity to dictate every step of planters. There are even incidences of holding up court approved merger proposals for years.

Over-regulated

A planter should renew five licenses every year and has to deal with dozens of inspectors from the Tea Board, Central Excise, Inspector of Factories, Weights and Meteorology, FSSAI, Employment Exchange, Sales Tax, Agriculture Income Tax, Income Tax, Labour department, Revenue Department, Provident Fund, Pollution Control Board etc. There is complete inspector Raj in Tea. And, that only breeds corruption.
For State politics, large workforce in organised plantations is a vote bank. They are not only asking planters to pay higher cash wages, which is a just demand; they are also forcing too many social responsibilities on planters which are contrary to the free-market mechanism.
During the peak of price crash in 2003, Assam handed over a new prototype for labour quarters that includes one living room, two bedrooms of 100 sq ft each, a verandah, kitchen and toilet. Naturally, the industry failed. And failure means more bribe. The other option is compromising with quality.
As per rules tea gardens are to provide rice or atta at 50 paise a kg to the plantation worker. Traditionally State offered low-cost supplies to tea estates. Assam now withdrew the facility, forcing the planters to fill three times wider gap.
I am sure many planters will even try to manage finances by compromising seriously on quality. Workers are also learning the trick fast. Since there is no AADHAR in Assam, enjoying dual benefits of State provisions and garden supplies is common.


Way ahead

Taking small growers into consideration, who now contribute nearly 40% of production, tea is still a factor of cheap labour and is increasingly becoming so due to expanding share of small growers. Considering market glut, this surely deserved a shakeout of smaller players, opening space for only a few deep-pocket long term players focusing on high-value teas.
I recently met two small but very interesting planters. Both are engineers by training and of the same age group. One joined the family business straight from the college in early 1990’s. The other one was working for a vendor of Apple in the US.  He comes back to parents and entered plantation in 2009.
Both did excellent work over last 10 years. One created a local brand that fetches a premium. Teas produced by the second were listed among the top five at Guwahati auction in 2016. Yet, both are now looking for a slow but sure exit from tea. Since there are no buyers for plantations, slow killing is the only option.
I don’t think politics or trade union is prepared for this. The government still talks about tea tourism, which to my mind is no solution at all. Allowing planters to switch over to other commercial farming, was a possibility. But except in growing creepers on shade trees, they have no other right. Tamil Nadu planters are better off as they own the land.
It is to be seen how things pan out especially on tea tribes. Hard to believe that one-third of the State population in Assam lived in estates without land rights for so long. They have already started flooding the cheap labour market in the region. Any further pressure may create cause for conflict.
Meanwhile, in Bengal Tea Tribes are the worst sufferers of the all-pervading sickness. Unlike in Assam, here the workspace is divided between Tea Tribes and the Nepalese, who were traditionally a tool to the management to divide and rule. With time they have shown right aspirations to control power and resources. Their economy is also boosted by remittance earning. At the closed Bandapani tea estate the Nepali line is dotted with palatial buildings and cars, trucks etc.
In contrast, tea tribe is often deprived of the legitimate dues like old age pension from the government due to lack awareness, low political aspirations and low adaptability.

***




[1] http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/economy/agri-business/why-plantations-are-no-ones-cup-of-tea/article9547240.ece
[2] http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/opinion/why-mergers-dont-brew-in-tea-sector/article4119893.ece
[3] http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/economy/agri-business/the-wilting-tea-industry-of-north-bengal/article8310079.ece
[4] http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-national/tp-otherstates/228-tea-gardens-fail-to-deposit-provident-fund-amount/article6354830.ece