Saturday 25 March 2017

The Grand Alliance against Modi will be a flop-show

Pratim Ranjan Bose 

The great Opposition appliance, if it ever comes up will be a big flop provided Modi sticks to his principle of presenting strong and clean governments – both at the Centre and the States - which are not afraid to take decisions. More than the defeat, the Opposition will simply run out of their logic and will look pitiable.
The opposition is losing ground because they failed to change the narrative from appeasement, identity politics and negative politics (levelling blind accusations at BJP or Hindutva or RSS). They are paying the price of following the beaten track. And, BJP is winning because they are setting the agenda. This is happening since 2014 general election.
They should better try to understand why Shia Muslims and Muslim women voted for BJP and, why Opposition was defeated by miles in seats like Deoband in UP. And, this is not the first time it happened. Bora Muslims in Gujarat supported Modi all across.
It would be worthwhile to go back to the history of mass support to Ram Janbhoomi movement and the rise of BJP. Do you remember, it happened in the immediate aftermath of Shah Banoo alimony verdict and the naked debauchery of Congress in changing the act to keep the Islamist stronghold on Muslims intact?
I was in high school then, and I distinctly remember how this double standard left my communist parents fuming. I don’t remember any popular movement launched by ruling CPM in West Bengal then. I don’t remember any party other than BJP supporting the Muslim women’s cause openly even after the Court raising the issue, time again in last few years.
Read the recent CPM statement on ‘Triple Talaq’ and the double standard is evident. They support women’s cause. But they didn’t support Modi government’s move to stop Triple Talaq because, they hold Modi as communal. Is this any logic? No. That’s why Left was rewarded with 0.2 % votes in UP, as against 0.9% NOTA (‘None of the above’ is an option given to electorate to express their lack of confidence on the candidates in fray in a constituency) votes.
It is juvenile to assume votes were divided in UP simply because Akhilesh Yadav (SP) and Mayawati (BSP) were fighting separately against BJP. They were fighting separately because it was proven that their loyal votes were never transferable.
Why do you think there were always post-poll alliances in UP? (We all know what happened to a Congress-CPM appliance in Bengal in 2016. Let there be a TMC, Congress and Left alliance and, BJP will win by a record margin.) To add to their woes, BJP ate into Opposition’s loyal vote bank. The most formidable BSP vote-bank is dented since 2014.
Keep accusing BJP, they are into much more smarter politics.  Keep painting Modi and Yogi Adityanath as demons and, they will win elections, provided they ensure better governance.
During LBA (Land Boundary Agreement) implementation in 2015, I travelled extensively in India and Bangladesh. Modi was a hero in 70-90% Muslim-dominated enclaves (then part of Bangladesh) which are now part of India. (I saw a poster on a Madrasa wall, in an enclave that is now part of Bangladesh, hailing Modi.)
However, in May 2016 Assembly election, these former enclaves elected Trinamool. If you think, they were ideologically drawn to Trinamool you are living in a fool’s paradise, as was amply proved in Parliamentary by-election in Coochbehar November 2016. BJP led by huge margins in many Muslim-dominated former enclaves. In the final tally, Trinamool won the seat but BJP’s vote share increased to a record high. It was all about leadership, dear Watson.
Similar trend was noticed in the by-election for Haldia (West Bengal) Parliamentary constituency. Check the results of Nandigram assembly segment closely and you will see BJP led the race in this Muslim dominated areas. 
Why spread lies about Muslims. Bengali Muslims were never a vote bank till late 1980’s or early 1990’s, Left tried creating one by encouraging wrong elements in the community. Remember it was the same time when Madrasas started populating in Bengal. Trinamool tried to fortify this vote-bank by taking all those Muslim religious leaders by its side. You call it secular politics. I don’t.
I am not saying BJP is a favourite to Muslims. No, they still aren’t. BJP is still either oblivious to the potential or not confident to go whole hogged for it and is focussing on accumulating Hindu votes first. It is to be seen how they shift gears in the future. But, I wouldn’t be surprised if they are successful in attracting more Muslim votes in the future. I travel intensely in this country. And, I find less and less precedence of ideology among voters.
Yes, a section of hardline Sunni Muslims will not vote for BJP in the foreseeable future. It might help parties to emerge winners in some pockets. But, whosoever will try to bank on these votes, will remain on a weak wicket. It will prove more counter-productive in the days to come, considering the rise of IS etc.
Instead of looking at BJP’s rise through the prism of fake ideologies, Opposition would do better to appreciate people’s aspirations and, the mistakes of keeping them divided in the past to create vote-banks. As I see it, the people of India are thousand times more liberal and secular, than some “intellectuals” or facebook fighters.
Instead of underestimating voters and the sanity of their aspirations, Opposition should come out with more erective or better political alternatives than BJP. Take a lesson from the rise of AAP and the eventual fall. Their rise indicated the great potential of alternative politics. They are pushed over the edge because they shifted wrong gears. No one is interested in another BJP or Congress. There is space for fresh ideas.
BJP is not above criticism. But what we are seeing now is a deluge of agenda-driven criticism. It is doing more harm to the Opposition than good as it is eating into the much-required space of precise, pointed, watertight criticism on policies and policy implementation. If you start demonising demonetization from the word go, you deny your chances of fair criticism because people hold you as ‘Halla-Brigade’. Change your image, your strategy and you will get votes too.
Congress won in 2009 general election despite rampant corruption (2G, Iron ore, and Commonwealth games were all known by then) because instead of launching a sharp attack on the ruling party; Advani’s BJP was spending more time in stalling the Parliamentary proceedings.
It is time to do away with negative politics. Like it or not it will not be as effective, as it used to be in the past. Voters now want politics to pursue a very utilitarian, growth-oriented path. The opposition is largely failing to fulfil that aspiration that and is blaming BJP or Hindutva for their downfall. This will not work.
Don’t think Modi is a fool. He has built an image and is reaping the harvests. There is no logical reason why he should try to be a Lal Krishna Advani or Uma Bharti. If he does, he will only dig his own grave.
History says, the grand alliance was successful only once in 1977, on the backdrop of Emergency and splintered in no time. Indira Gandhi came back to power within three years.
If you think voters are fools and they don’t know how these coalitions ran the country for last 25 years, then I should question your mental sanity. Also, please remember even in 1977 general election, Janata Party failed to make much dent in the South where Congress won majority of seats. It indicates ganging up is no surety for success. 
The opposition failed to take a lesson from PV Narasimha Rao’s economic liberalisation that sowed seeds of post-ideological politics. They had more faith on V P Singh’s Mandal Commission that practically strengthened caste boundaries like never before and divided the whole polity into numerous interest groups at the compromise of economic growth and prosperity. They thought it would keep the safe from BJP forever.
Now when a Modi changed the rules of the game again, they are busy in witch hunting.


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Monday 13 March 2017

India must remove road and rail congestion and rope in private players to serve Nepalese trade interests

(The following was my presentation on “trans-boundary development and Communications” at a seminar on Indo-Nepal economic cooperation at Birgunj, in Nepal, on March 4, 2017. The seminar was organised by Antar Rashtriya Sahayog Parishad (ARSP) of Delhi and Neeti Anusandhan Pratishthan (NeNAP) of Nepal)

Last December I took my son to Gaya and Varanasi. These two cities, it is well known, are most sacred in Hinduism and Buddhism. As a continuation of that trip, I promised to take him to Lumbini and Janakpur in the plains of Nepal on the next vacation.
Lumbini is the birthplace of Gautam Buddha, who attained enlightment in Bodh-Gaya. According to per Indian mythology, Sita was born in Janakpur. Rama - accompanied by Sita and Laxman - visited Gaya to perform the last rites of his father.
 I am saying this to underscore that Nepal may be a different country by political identity but it has a special place to the heart of every Indian. To be honest and without any malice an Indian doesn’t tend to consider Nepal as a separate country and, that probably often leads to misunderstandings.
Nepal. (pix collected from web)
Leaving politics apart, the core truth is our economies are uniquely close to each other. The cultural closeness created an unique comfort zone for business. Business by nature operates on trust. A sizable chunk of Nepalese businessman has familial links to India. It is only natural therefore that they would enjoy high trust level among each other, opening doors for transactions read in business terms either as cross-investments or export-import.
One may please remember that in the 1980’s, when Indian economy was still dependent on aids from across the global, Indian industry started venturing out to Nepal.
The Nepalese arm of the Indian-conglomerate ITC, bears mark of this history. Since then, Nepal attracted investments from many top companies like Dabur, Berger Paints etc. The importance of such investments is, they often create a buffer or cushion against political mood swings.
It is unfortunate that internal political developments of Nepal in the 1990’s and low growth (growing by 1-2 % per annum) aspirations of the country created a headwind for Indian investments to grow.
Yet, as in 2012-13 the $19 billion GDP Nepal attracted $ 17.5 mil Indian FDI. In comparison the $ 150 billion GDP Bangladeshi economy received only $28.5 mil in 2012-13.  In other words when compared against the GDP, Nepal was more successful than Bangladeshi economy, which is growing by 5-6% a year for last 10 years or more, to attract Indian investment. I think this was due to trust factor.
The unfortunate part is since then Indian FDI in Bangladesh hasn’t shown much movement. On the contrary Indian investment in Bangladesh is doubling every year and is nearly $300 million in last four years. Bangladesh is now building SEZs along Indian border to attract Indian FDI. This coupled with increasing focus on improved connectivity through BBIN (of which Nepal is a party) is opening new opportunities in Bangladesh.
CEAT is setting up a plant in Bangladesh to cater East and North Eastern India. Coca-Cola plans catering Guwahati market from Dhaka and import fruit concentrates from Bhutan. These are just two examples of Bangladesh’s growing economic integration with rest of the sub-continent India but there are more.
The point is how Nepal can take advantage of the emerging reality which includes, strong aspiration of both Indian government and Indian companies to invest outside India. While the India government wants to take part in infrastructure creation, Indian companies are getting extremely aggressive. Indeed a strong Indian private sector owing many global brands is India’s competitive advantage over China.
Club this two together and there is huge opportunity. For example, considering its focus to increase share of renewable sources in electricity generation, India is now in desperate need to get hydro-electricity as balancing power. Hydro-electricity cannot be generated in Delhi or Kolkata. It can only be generated in Nepal, Bhutan etc. It is a pity that till date Nepal is barely an importer of power from India, while it could attract investments in hydro-power and make money on export of electricity to its next door neighbour, as Bhutan is doing.
Travel options for Nepalese cargo
To ensure growth, Nepal needs faster and cheaper modes of communications like roads and railways. Nepal lacks on both the departments. However, this could have been addressed easily as almost all the major gates between the two countries are located in close proximity to vast Indian rail network.
In 2005, India leveraged this advantage by extending rail network by merely six km from Raxaul to Birgunj inland container depot in Nepal. Ideally, since then Indian railway should have entered Nepal through every major gate like Bhairawa(Nepal)-Sunauli (UP, India), Biratnagar (Nepal)-Jogbani (Bihar, India) and, Kakarvitta (Nepal)-Panitanki (West Bengal, India). A parallel East-West line, inside Nepal, connecting these gates, would have opened wide logistics opportunities and create trans-border economic corridors.
Unfortunately neither India nor Nepal has shown urgency to realise this potential. The proposed extension of rail link to Biratnagar is witnessing major delay on the Nepalese side. Similarly, India is yet to finalise the plan to to connect Kakarvitta with New Jalpaiguri (NJP) rail station by laying merely 34 km rail line.
 The mutual lack of attention on infrastructure is proving particularly costly on Nepal. The Indo-Nepal trade and Nepal’s third country imports are largely dependent on Birgunj-Raxaul border. To make it worse, lack of capacity building on the Indian side; made both rail and road movement through Birgunj-Raxaul border terribly slow. The 200 km road journey from Birgunj to Patna is back-breaking to say the least and takes a minimum of five hours. Containers take three to four-days to cover 700 km journey from Kolkata port to Birgunj by rail and road. While road travel faces at least two bottlenecks at Motihari in Bihar and Kaliachak in West Bengal; the rail connectivity in the entire North Bihar is single-track. An utterly inefficient Kolkata port makes trade further costly. It is a pity that a container unloaded in Kolkata takes a minimum of 17 days to return to the port as empties.
I am convinced that the primary responsibility of correcting the scenario rests with India. I sincerely believe that India for all these years did take Nepal trade for granted and failed to serve it better. Improving road and rail conditions in India was not the responsibility of Nepal. I think it is out of this frustration that Nepal had turned to OBOR (One Belt, One Road) proposals of China. However, economically speaking the proposal has low feasibility and shouldn’t make Nepalese trade cheaper.
The current 12,000 km cross-border rail movement from Zhengzhou in China to Hamburg in Germany, riding on the back of very high value goods movement between the nations and is competing with air freight (which is seven times costlier than sea freight). Any calculation would show that the 4500 km journey from the Eastern production hubs of China to Nepalese consumption centres across a 16,000 ft high natural barrier would be three to four times the cost of sea freight between China and Kolkaata.
The clue for India therefore lies in improving the logistics options from Indo-Nepal gates to Eastern sea ports easier, faster, and cheaper. Kolkata being a river port there is not much hope of improving its efficiency. India recently also Nepalese traders to access Vijag port in Andhra Pradesh for third-country imports. But the rail travel from Vizag to Birgunj wouldn’t be faster due to congestion at Jharsuguda area in Odisha. It is therefore time we think of allowing Nepal to access private ports like Dhamra in Odisha.
It is time for India to rethink on Indo-Nepal trade and economic relations. It is time we ensure competition to State agencies like CONCOR, which is running the only dry-port in Nepal. It also high time we allow private logistics players to enter the scene. Let them run cargo trains, open dry-ports inside Nepal.
Let us give India-Nepal trade a new dimension. 

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