Friday 25 August 2017

GST should trigger a chain of reactions in India's socio-economic-political landscape

Pratim Ranjan Bose

(Reproducing my introductory remarks at the "GST Conclave" hosted by BusinessLine, in Kolkata, on August 18, 2017)
I can vividly remember the shock India got from economic liberalisation in June 1991. As I joined the financial journalism the very next year, I saw before my eyes economic activities built strictly on closed-economy principles, drowning in sorrow. We saw big companies both in public and private sectors - like Coal India, SAIL, Tata Steel - slipping into the red. Over here in Bengal, a Leftist government was blaming “open door policy” for all ills.
It took at least four-five years before pessimism was replaced by optimism. Many companies, which slipped into the red, started getting bigger than ever. Many new companies came, in much larger numbers than the closed ones, to exploit the new opportunities. Many jobs were cut in uncompetitive sectors. But new opportunities were created in much larger numbers. Twenty-five years later, today, no one would talk about going back to the old regime when one had to wait for years to get delivery of a scooter or refrigerator and, the makers were reaping harvests of investing in political capital to get a license.
I presume we are headed for a similar kind of scenario with GST, barring some exceptions. GST, as we all know is a consumption-end tax that is to plug the tax leakage and remove the cascading effect of the tax on product prices as well. It removed the scope of VAT arbitrage between States. We are aiming to make noncompliance, economically unviable; as those out of the GST net, cannot avail input credit.

Major reform
Aided with AADHAR based biometric mapping and IT support, this indirect tax reforms should eventually widen our thin direct tax base as a large population who evade tax-net under the cover of cash based activities, should find themselves trapped in. This I think is the most important long term effect of GST or GST-centric reforms, we are witnessing.
But all this is not going to come easy. India for ages built an ecosystem for tax evasion. The humongous election expenses (a candidate aspiring for merely a corporators seat in Kolkata spend anywhere between Rs 25 lakh to Rs 2 crore) of political parties, come at a cost. Tax evasion is one of those costs. According to a Delhi based transport research agency, 50 % of goods transported by road  - including 70% of SME production – avoid the tax net. You may or may not agree with the number but rest assured that a good majority of our trade and commerce evade or avoid taxes, creating major social distortions.
As was illustrated by the Finance Minister Arun Jaitley during the 2017 Budget speech, the number of foreign travellers from India; the consumer interest in luxury cars and other premium products do not justify the thin minority of 24 lakh people income tax assesses, showing over Rs 10 lakh annual earning. Similarly, barely one-third of the 14 lakh companies file returns and, only 7781 companies show profit-after-tax of more than Rs 10 crore a year. Everyone should agree, either privately or publicly, that their personal experiences do not match with these official numbers.

Impact on politics
But this is probably the tip of the iceberg. One of the reasons why real estate is in trouble with GST is, sand and stone chips – two important raw materials – are controlled by mafias who operate under political patronage and never cared for the law. What should builders do now? Sacrificing input credit can increase prices of real estate impacting market demand. Should they turn the heat on politics to formalise the sand mining business? Or, should they take a hit on super-normal profit expectations? Transport is out of GST. But if all goods come under the tax net, transporters cannot hide their income either. What will happen to their business model built on tax evasion?
There is another perspective of this story. India we all know is a Union of States having distinct constitutional rights. But such a structure proved inadequate to compete with unitary country structures. You cannot leave it to the prudence of 28 States - ruled by a dozen or more parties, who have an alliance with another few dozen parties, each of whom has a different point of view and interests - to make the life of an investor as easy as in China. GST brought in a unitary tax structure through the constitutional amendment. Should it be an inspiration to bring commonality in India’s power distribution sector? This is important to expand the scope of manufacturing beyond merely half-a-dozen States.
The point I am trying to make is GST should trigger a chain of reactions or reforms in Indian socio-economic-political landscape. But unlike the 1991 economic reforms that had immediate social ramifications; GST is a slow fire that will burn deep but without making it obvious. You will know the result only later. It means, we are unlikely to see any impromptu mass reaction against GST, which should make it difficult for the politics to launch any popular opposition against GST as they did against 1991 reforms.

Some weaknesses
GST, I presume will surely improve our Tax-GDP ratio from a paltry 16%, the lowest among BRICS nations. But, I have doubts if GST in its current format would ensure maximum gains. The multiplicity of rates, the differences in rates between an air-conditioned (AC) and non-AC restaurant, or economy and business class seats in flight; are probably that chink in the armour. 
Such differentials, drawn on the closed-economy cliches; had no reason to survive in the GST era. There was no discussion on these lines in the past either. Yet they made a last minute entry. I anticipate it would open multiple battle lines for the tax-collectors; it would also keep them rooted to the tradition of suspecting business rather than respecting it. Such environment breeds corruption, which in itself is a major hurdle in ensuring ease-of-doing-business. 
 The need was to make it simple but strict and, eliminate the discretionary power of politics. But we decided to go with such powers, opening floodgates of requests and everyday changes in rates of items.
In other words, GST though promises to remove many ills has left at least one basic inadequacy of our tax and tax administration system intact. I anticipate we have to wait for another set of reforms to make economic and political life more Swachh (clean).

Right move
Having said this, I do keep faith in the great Indian resilience. There are criticisms of planning gaps - like not having planned an anti-profiteering authority well in advance, as Australia did; last minute announcement of rates denying business time to plan adequately and the suspense over the e-way bill.
The critics are correct. But frankly speaking, the country that wastes 17 years in discussing and postponing GST implementation; cannot expect the roll out to be as smooth as in Australia. To be fair, given its federal structure, size and complexity; India cannot be equated with Australia either. We will take time to get rid of the Jugad mentality.


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