Saturday 26 July 2014

Promises, red tape and the vicious cycle of tendering in the coal sector

 Pratim Ranjan Bose

I published this blog on Linkedin, in September 2013. It was before I decided to open a blog-site.  Reproducing it primarily for the sake of records, as I don't think the situation has changed much since then. 

Having failed miserably in its attempt to push up coal production through the much hyped captive assets allocation route, the government has now shifted focus on the State-owned coal miners.
Tenders are floated at great haste either to learn new mining techniques or appoint mining contractors with a specific focus to step up investments in Indian mining sector.
Three cash-rich State-owned miners - Coal India, Singareni Collieries and Neyveli Lignite - will pump in Rs 56,000 crore, during the current Plan period ending in March 2017, coal minister Sriprakash Jaiswal recently announced.
The measures are enough to improve the sagging fundamentals of Indian coal sector, the government prefers to believe. Sadly, however, not many in the industry have much faith on such tall promises.
Amar Bhasin, senior executive of an Australia based mining contractor and equipment supplier feels the government should do better by granting PSU managers more freedom and removing the red tape.

Tendering – a vicious cycle

He has a point.
For last five or six years coal companies were making rounds across the world to identify suitable technologies, visiting facilities of equipment makers and inviting them to participate in tenders floated by miners.

While some of such purchases did take place. A large number of projects are in limbo, courtesy the bureaucratic red tape.
Bhasin, for example, wasted years in chasing one such contract floated by the Hyderabad based Singareni Collieries (SCCL), for underground mining equipment. 
As in July this year, SCCL cancelled the Rs 20 crore tender, for the second time in last three years. While the company is now gearing up to invite fresh bids, the sharp devaluation of rupee (from Rs 60 to 65 a dollar) in August, may inflate the price of the same equipment by Rs 1.5 crore.
The opportunity cost is even bigger for Coal India. In 2007-08, when Indian currency was hovering at Rs 39-40, the company rolled out a multi billion dollar programme to buy hundreds of large sized shovels and dump trucks, so as to pace up coal production from its open cast mines.
Nearly six years down the line, CIL is not even half-way through the modernisation programme. It has acquired some shovels. But, they remain under utilised as contracts for heavy duty dump trucks are in perpetual loop of re-tendering.
One contract, for 240 tonne dump trucks, awarded to an American major could not be implemented. Another tender, valued at Rs 3000 crore as in June 2013, for acquisition of 190 tonne dump trucks was cancelled twice in last three years for reasons ranging from non-availability of a ‘last purchase price’ (LPP) or lack of competition.
There is no reference price (LPP) because CIL has never acquired such equipment! And, since CIL wanted rock bottom price, majority of suppliers opted out, except one. A Belarusian company decided to cut corners to the desired level. It was finally ruled out, due to lack of competition!

Save your skin first

Everyone knows indecision is costly. Yet, everyone goes by the rule book. Else an anonymous complaint may land at the desk of vigilance officer and, some politicians may give the necessary push to convert it into a CBI enquiry.

But, if you think, this reduces corruption. You may be living in a fool’s world.
Tender, small or big, floated by coal companies are cash cows to politics. And, they are unlikely to let you work, till contracts are awarded to the near and dear ones. And, if the rival camps squabble for share of booty, as they often do, management’s decisions will be challenged at the court. Either way projects will suffer.
“The world may sneer at us. But, that’s the way we do business,” a senior coal official once heard saying in private.
The hopelessness is palpable across the industry. The procedures laid out by the country requires State-owned companies to invite bids even for smallest of small purchases running into a few lakhs of rupees for replenishing the medicine stock in a hospital or appointing a big value project contractor.
It was expected to ensure transparency in financial transactions. In the process, it has proved itself to be another red tape, if not a nexus, that takes months or years to be negotiated.
No public sector company is free from this evil. But, it may be a subject of research interest, if the coal sector – arguably the country’s most important plank for growth - is one of the worst victims of it all.

Nexus intensified

The intensity of this nexus has only increased with the rising importance of coal in the last one decade.
Gone are the days when coal was a near exclusive domain on regional politics and local mafias. Today a wide cross section of business and politics in India and abroad has interests in India’s state-owned coal sector.

Caught in the push and pull of ‘interests’, the miners are either expected to comply (and be rewarded, by say repeated board level extensions ignoring complaints) or take recourse of bureaucracy to avoid another career threatening inquiry. Projects are important but, not more important than saving your own job.
There are of course a third kind, who could successfully use bureaucracy in bringing some benefits to the country.
For example a CIL subsidiary successfully re-tendered a large mining contract, side stepping contradictory recommendations from high offices, to bring down the cost of coal production by more than 50 per cent. But, they are merely exceptions. And, exceptions don’t prove a rule.

***


Monday 7 July 2014

Will Modi dare restructuring Indian Railways?

Pratim Ranjan Bose

The expectation is fuelled by the Prime Minister Narendra Modi who has pointed to the pathetic state of rail services in India.
Why can’t rail stations are like airports? Modi asked.

His government is reportedly giving final touches to a plan for the much-needed overhaul of the Indian railway system with the help of private capital.

Starved of funds

There is little doubt that the Railways is in need of quick fund infusion.
With Rs 90, out of every Rs 100 earned, spent as running expenses (excluding finance cost), there is little money available for capital spend.
Successive governments in the past two decades kept promising capital outlay based on either allocations from the general budget or private sector participation, popularly referred to as a public-private-partnership (PPP) model.
Add caption
But even that was insufficient to match the demand. Leave alone the mind-blowing $ 116 billion annual investments in the Chinese rail systems, India couldn't even translate the promised $ 10 billion annual investment into a reality.
The biggest failures are the schemes drawn on the PPP model. Though described as private capital, in many cases such projects are proposed to be funded by cash-rich State-owned companies such as the national miner Coal India Ltd. The miner badly needs creation of evacuation logistics to bring assets into production and, don’t mind paying for it either.
Yet, there has hardly been any progress in these projects, for years or decades. And, that too even after making the due payments to the Railways, as CIL claims. The cash-starved Railways diverted the funds to the projects for reasons that are more political than anything else.

A political fiefdom

Former railway minister Mamata Banerjee (now the chief minister of West Bengal) created a classic
example of this when she forced the Railways to acquire two loss-making ancillaries (Burn Standard and Braithwaite) and, even an ailing media house (Basumati) West Bengal, between 2009 and 2010.
Mamata was then an important coalition partner of the Congress-led UPA government in Delhi. Railways paid a heavy price for her ambition to wrest control of West Bengal politics. 

She is not an exception in this brigade.
As the world’s eighth largest employer, and its vast reach across the country, the Railways has been an important vehicle for governments in Delhi to make political gains.
However, the story took a vicious turn with the rise of regional politics, which in turn resulted in successive coalition governments at the Centre, especially since 1996.

The Railways became a prime victim of such a reality.
Recruiting tens of thousands unskilled staff from the home state of a minister; strengthening the grip of crony capitalists (read mafias) in the name of privatising peripheral services (like catering, housekeeping and so on); investing in a rail factory in his/her Parliamentary constituency or even building a flyover for easier access to minister’s residence – the Indian Railways was reduced into a fiefdom.
And, not many were vocal enough against such gross misuse of power. Worse, some like the RJD leader Lalu Prasad Yadav, were showered with accolades, even from the so-called well-meaning people.
It is a different matter that Lalu, the proponent of “no-passenger fair-hike policy”, actually hastened the decline of Indian Railways.
Ask anyone in the know and, he will tell you how crony capitalists took the system for a ride in the recent past.

Change the culture

Building swanky rail stations is fine, but what is more needed for Indian Railways at this juncture is the bitter pill of reforms.
There is little reason why the Railways, that cannot run trains in time, will run a host of ancillaries - right from wheels and axels to wagons, coaches, engines (locos) and so on. The products, far inferior by global standards, defy all economic logic.
Can Modi ask the Railways to disinvest such facilities, lock stock and barrel and focus on core services? Can he throw the crony capitalists out of the system? Should the Railways stop announcing new services and new projects until the existing ones are implemented?

Perhaps, he cannot, at least not in the immediate future. After all, at stake is the identity of Narendra Modi the politician.

***